After another summer of race-riots, and documented spike in racist violence, Dedan Kimaathi* argues that the politics of British colonial settler violence rebounds to the centre from the periphery.
The Delusion Industry Attempts Cover-Up of Continuous Brit Lynch-Mobs
Britain’s recent historic societal and cultural transformations
Recently in central London a young man with an Argentina football team top was removed by police from amidst an aggressive mob of English nationalists. The English nationalists were all of Asian and African heritage. This particular kind of incident was the first of its kind in the starkness of its expressions of toxic British nationalism internalised by non-whites. This made the news headlines and went viral on social media, but its significance lies in the historic and major cultural shifts which see manifestations like these as the victories of British colonial nationalism in the formalities of Brexit (taking back ‘their’ country).
What are some of the main currents and contexts that have produced this reality of a resurgent and, despite the manipulations, an increasingly ethnically exclusive – white supremacy with British characteristics – British nationalism? It might be interesting to explore as to why this colonial nationalist offensive is seeing little to no resistance from non-white people. How can those who believe in a humanity beyond and against colonialism understand the social balance of forces of where we are in this historic moment and what this means for oppressed peoples’ lived experience and culture? Why aren’t the oppressed acting according to the increasingly violent emergency of the situation? What elements distort and attempt to take us away from this focus, and for whose interests?
Brexit has delivered a veritable Empire 2.0 which like any other political project cannot be successful unless it is led and delivered by culture. Culture is a contested ground in which the state (due to its vast human, bureaucratic and violent aspects), always has the upper hand, especially in states where the oppressed cannot build their own relative autonomous resistance communities.
Most popular culture is generated by the oppressed as some form and expression of resistance and, as in-line with the reality of colonial-capitalism, it is appropriated and turned into a tool for the refinement and promotion of the colonial system and powers. Oppressed peoples’ counter-cultures against racism and colonialism have declined and have no real social significance in terms of the collective behaviours of the oppressed. Culture is not currently an arena whereby the oppressed are mobilising and moving forward – actually culture is pushing them into being further oppressed. In line with the rise of more violent social trends of British racism, the oppressed are not constructing culture, or in the process of ‘mental production, as Marx explains it 1845 (see problems of Marx’s own colonial limitations and loyalties here):
“The ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch the ruling ideas, i.e. the class which is the ruling material force of society, is at the same time its ruling intellectual force. The class which has the means of material production at its disposal, has control at the same time over the means of mental production, so that thereby, generally speaking, the ideas of those who lack the means of mental production are subject to it. The ruling ideas are nothing more than the ideal expression of the dominant material relationships, the dominant material relationships grasped as ideas; hence of the relationships which make the one class the ruling one, therefore, the ideas of its dominance. (Karl Marx, The German Ideology, Critique of Modern German Philosophy, written in 1845, published in 1932)
Culture is also a reflection of the balance of social forces that exist in a world system of colonialist white supremacy: social forces arrayed against each other in two basic camps of the global colonial settler class (‘whites’) and then the colonised. But also a third important class for the functioning and regeneration (and degeneration at the same time) of the system of a third social grouping which is the sell-out or collaborator class (aka ‘coconuts’).
The British colonial system understands the ‘coconut’ class to be so important that it played with the political term’s criminalisation in recent years. This speaks back to the colonised mind and actions of those who chose to don a colonial-crusader’s uniform (England tops) and chase the Argentina fan through central London as if Thatcher’s war for colonialism in Las Malvinas never ended. We are going through massive cultural shifts of this new version of the old Blairite ‘new Britannia cool’ but this time even uglier, if that’s possible.
Brexit Britain’s generation of a culturally dominant collaborator class
Colonised people lack ability to think and act independently
The consciousness of the non-white collaborator class, which is the dominant cultural expression of non-whites in British society and communities, is the consciousness of the colonialist and his agenda. The consciousness of the collaborator coconut class is as diverse in colonial expressions as the colonialists themselves (the political spectrum). There are right-wing collaborators personified and inspired by the likes of Kwesi Kwarteng, Priti Patel, Rishi Sunak, Zia Yusuf, Suella Braverman etc; and there are left/liberal collaborators pushing British colonial projects of ‘British Muslim’, ‘British Asian’ and ‘Black British’ etc.
If in Britain the consciousness of the oppressed was somewhat healthy, it would impact across society as something inspiring as was the cultural wave that led up to and informed the four-day uprising against British racism and capitalism of the oppressed in August 2011. The consciousness of that uprising was crushed at the time through violence (5,000 people sent to jail) and cultural violence which was injecting Britishness deeply into non-white people.
Colonialism can take away the ability for the oppressed to think for themselves:
“The individuals composing the ruling class possess among other things consciousness, and therefore think. Insofar, therefore, as they rule as a class and determine the extent and compass of an epoch, it is self-evident that they do this in its whole range, hence among other things rule also as thinkers, as producers of ideas, and regulate the production and distribution of the ideas of their age: thus their ideas are the ruling ideas of the epoch.” (Marx, The German Ideology, 1845)
The oppressed under the growing pressure of British nationalism / Brexit Britain have let go of their relative abilities to be ‘producers of ideas, and regulate the production and distribution of the ideas of their age’. In the lead up to the August 2011 Uprising, the oppressed were engaged in a number of streams of production of ideas through culture, much of this was done through oral traditions in music (Grime, Garage, Rap, Dub Step) not least the mass underground communication networks of the oppressed that was Pirate Radio. Pirate Radio was repressed intensely in the period from 2005-2010, this was then replaced by social media which has been proven to be a central tool for the rise of racism.
Major cultural shifts have taken place impacting everyone in recent years. These social trends indicate surging violent racist views and behaviours and the quickening internalisation of colonial white supremacy in the specific form of non-whites en masse assimilating into Britishness.
Near-daily non-stop racist race-rioting incidents across Britain of racists clamouring ‘for their country back’ in raping and killing women in their homes and beds isn’t the way in which official Britain and Britishness likes to portray itself. The growing nakedness of the system requires covering up the reality. Nevertheless, the naked truth bursts forward repeatedly due to the intensity of the crises its oppression creates. In keeping with this the oppressed see the truth but choose to keep the peace for the system and its criminality: so of course, there is a profound culture of delusion amongst the oppressed.
Non-white people seem to engage in large scale collective self gas-lighting when they see the ugliness of the reality of racist modern Britain shown back to them in the media. They behave like every day is another day – turn the other cheek, continue being quiet colonial wage-slaves, and make excuses for living through such humiliation. All news platforms and social media headlines report on the most pressing issue for Brits today (and increasingly other populations internalising colonial hegemony in our times): the ‘problem’ of the non-Brit in Britain, the ‘non-Brit’ is code for ‘non-white’. Other words for this othered humanity are ‘migrant’, ‘asylum seeker’, the ‘Muslim’ or just: “isn’t British”.
The public conversation in mainstream political discourse goes as far as to question the ‘racial purity’ tests of people including the British Monarch. To be clear, King Charles is not being othered here nor victimised, but it’s indicative of how extreme and acceptable conversations are being encouraged in the ‘mainstream media’, and reflects how powerless non-white masses are choosing to be in the situation especially as they are choosing to turn the other cheek constantly while assimilating into the same framework from which racist attacks and genocide emanate.
Left and Liberal Colonialism in Brexit Britain
The left’s narcissistic behaviour leaves the oppressed more vulnerable
Britishness and British culture are at the same time violently racist and colonialist, but they also have a strong aspect of arrogance & smugness. Racist gas-lighting that comes more from the colonial liberal/left wing who downplay and/or encourage the delusion that: things aren’t as they are or as bad as they are.
This colonial delusion from the left/liberals states that growing fascism of the colonial state is an ‘abnormality’, that the liberal state and its police and laws have to be made to work as it ‘should be working’. It seems to make no impact that this approach has failed the oppressed for generations. Complaining about colonialism doesn’t equate to anti-colonialism, appropriating what appears to be ‘anti-colonialism’ is the racket that pushes multicultural colonial subjects as they scramble for colonial crumbs.
The colonial liberal/left present themselves as the unaccountable saviour of the non-white and promote the idea that the colonial state can, at one time, be a global-leader in genocide historically and currently and, at the same time, it can consistently deliver some kind of liberal law and order for the oppressed.
The old radical civil-right direct actions of anti-colonial struggles sought to reform the colonial system, but this is different: the colonial liberal/left states that the ‘radical protests’ are to not to even pressure to reform the system, but just to try and make the colonial laws and police act in accordance with the fantasies and delusions of the left/liberal mind and world.
Some call it the understatedness of British culture. However, this is a cover-up for the reality of violence in which liberal postures and sensibilities are an integral part. The non-white has recruited himself as an enthusiastic British colonial wage-slave who would rather prefer the liberal delusion of colonial-culture than face the stark reality of the growing precarity of his life.
British colonialism has always had a strong ‘multicultural’ cultural front to it, which allows the colonialist to indulge in the pleasures of extracting and exploiting from the colonised while needing the colonised to facilitate more colonial looting. Britain dresses up this racket as ‘proof’ as to how the non-whites might attain flimsy certificates of whiteness.
Britain presents itself as a world-leading example of how a state should function and treat its people. Along with other world leading colonialisms, it is so arrogant in these self-beliefs that they are willing to destroy whole countries using liberal discourse in their wars of aggression and occupation (Chechnya 1994 & 1999, Palestine 2000, Afghanistan 2001, Iraq 2003, Libya 2011, Syria 2011, Palestine/Gaza 2023, Lebanon 2024).
As long as you are not an ‘illegal’ human being, as long as you show a near-deranged commitment to ‘Britishness’, you might delude yourself that you are in the ‘in-club’ and not the target.
‘Democracy’ and the ‘rule of law’ in the West are predicated on super profit-making globally through genocide and environmental. Politics ‘at home’ is supposed to be ‘liberal’ and ‘civil’ in the framework of ‘modernity’ (synonymous with ‘Enlightenment’, a constructed white supremacist global beacon) as: supreme culture. The practice of this global violence and war on the oppressed is justified as a white man’s burden that these people need to be violently forced into the western modes of being and governance.
Colonial violence abroad exports social violence away from the centre, and the coconut class knows that it is this global colonial violence that delivers for themselves peace in Britain and ensures loyalty of the colonial wage-slave in the mother country. The collaborator class assists the colonial war in forgetting about and invisibilizing third world peoples that Britishness has destroyed and killed, by just not talking about what Britain has done to Libyans, Iraqis and Afghans.
This violence and the related deceitful cover-up are the reality for most in the oppressed nations under the white man’s military boot. This serves to create a safer pretence of democracy ‘at home’. Malcolm X said ‘chickens come home to roost’, that colonial violence on the othered-world will grow to such levels and create such crises that the politics and violence of the ‘war on terror’ is increasingly evident in the ‘domestic’ sphere.
Speaking to this: although violent outbursts against othered migrant groups (often Irish communities in Ireland and in Britain) have been a feature of England for centuries, it is no coincidence that the first national race-riot, i.e., an organised state-backed project of violent attacks against all non-white people happened in 1919 at a historic moment when the entire world was finally carved-up between the European colonisers. In 1919 Brits conducted mob attacks against non-white people in port cities across the country, communities who were settled around seafaring workers; Somalis, Yemenis, Bengalis and others. As today, the ‘reasons’ for this racist violence were that they saw these communities as triggering racist anxieties/fantasies on economics, housing, sexual behaviour and violence, and so forth.
Crises of the world system means record-levels of global wealth concentration (through increased exploitation of labour and land and enforced genocides along with the ecocides), which means the poor get poorer and there are less relative crumbs that can be doled out. However, this system has never been predicated on the ability to hand out actual crumbs, but rather its ability to control whole social groups by the actuality and threat of state violence and state-backed populist violence as the basis for the cultures of obedience that this British colonial violence demands of non-whites.
Simply: the system is making people poorer, but complaints about colonialism do not equate to anti-colonialism (it’s a posture that feeds grifts and rackets of what the right-wing call in their opposite side of their culture war ding-dong: ‘race-baiters’, the liberal wing to the right wing of the colonial squabble). The narcissism of the colonial liberal/left always hands the oppressed to the right-wing, the same can be said of the way in which the left has pushed the poor into the new Dickensian social malaise and culture of misery of the disempowering ‘foodbank’.
The Corbyn Collapse 2015-2020
Constant relenting under colonial bullying depressed and demobilised the oppressed
The problem of the left colonial framework failing the oppressed was writ-large during the period in which Jeremy Corbyn led the Labour Party (Sept 2015 to April 2020). There is a need for proper appraisals and reflections as to what happened around Corbyn’s Labour leadership, but I will highlight some possible central problematics that speak to the themes of a long and complex process of collapses into Britishness.
The major controversy around Corbyn’s leadership was a question relating to anti-colonialism of the Palestinian and Lebanese peoples. Corbyn didn’t behave differently as Labour leader as he did as an MP, he has always been committed to a British colonial liberalism. Instead of mobilising people defending any semblance of anti-colonialism, Corbyn decided to distance from a principled position with the oppressed and to hold that line, and instead signalled that to stand-up against racist criminalisation – while in the historically exceptional position of having a major mass social following – was something you choose not to do and instead you apologise to the colonial bully.
A nuance here is that Corbyn’s engagement with political forces involved in anti-colonialism in Palestine and Lebanon in what became a crisis as aforementioned, was a colonial engagement in that this is an industry that promotes the idea of finding a common ground between colonialism and the colonised, between the genocider and the genocided. In attempts at finding this common ground, the colonialist always has the upper hand.
Corbyn backed down time and time again. Early on in Corbyn’s position as Leader of Her Majesty’s Opposition, the colonial state threw down the gauntlet against Corbyn in an explicit threat of military coup against Corbyn:
“The Army just wouldn’t stand for it. The general staff would not allow a prime minister to jeopardise the security of this country and I think people would use whatever means possible, fair or foul to prevent that. You can’t put a maverick in charge of a country’s security.
“There would be mass resignations at all levels and you would face the very real prospect of an event which would effectively be a mutiny.” (source)
Corbyn made no public reply, let alone mobilise against this open threat. A few weeks later another Brit military leader General Sir Nicholas Houghton said in BBC News interview that Corbyn being unwilling to conduct nuclear war meant that he was not fit for the job of prime minister. As with everything except colonial elections in this period, Corbyn refused to react, and instead wrote a letter of complaint to the very colonial department from which these threats were coming from: the Ministry of Defence.
Corbyn in his liberal modus operandi signalled to the oppressed that when under attack from the system you politely ask the system to act in a manner that is contrary to its nature. Corbyn involved himself in anti-war around Iraq 2003, so he knows very well the criminal and violent manner of what Britishness and the state actually is. So choosing to peddle the liberal delusion is a simple win for the oppressor and a terrible loss for the oppressed.
Summer 2020 George Floyd protests
Cause appropriated, colonial state instrumentalises it for the racist culture war
In reflecting on the protests that started in May 2020 against racist violence around the US police killing of George Floyd, it’s always interesting to note on what the actual existing balance of social forces existed. As with nearly every protest from or involving non-white people in Britain, the oppressed start from a position of great weakness and little to negligible political ability to assert their collective interests in any socially relevant manner. Instead, perceptions of protests and protest culture are instrumentalised by the colonial state in strategies of co-option (expanding the collaborator class) and colonial deradicalization programs.
The protests did however show some interest from Black, non-white and allied ‘white’ oppressed youth to seek avenues to try and push-back. A social sentiment of relative race-class consciousness amongst the oppressed can only be put into reality if there are genuine anti-colonial movements. This is not the case in Britain and never has been outside of the Irish community, barring some anomalies. Nor was it the case in 2020.
The British state and media constructed for the British racist population a bogey man of black radicalism that didn’t really exist. This can be illustrated by the fact that British authorities decided to put a grey box on the Churchill statue in Parliament Square. In contrast to the August 2011 Uprising the most anti-colonial youth were not active nor assertively self-determined like Aug 2011, and did not exist in numbers compared to 2011; the August 2011 actions were direct-actions against the police and high street shops, the 2020 protests became bogged-down in the colonially managed and framed ‘culture war’ around statues and arguments over ‘decolonisation’ of colonial institutions.
The racist anxiety is heightened by the theatrics of ‘radical’ Black protests which weren’t radical at all. There was a small demographic of a few hundred youth who would protest for Black human rights daily. These groups of Black-led poor youth defended themselves against police brutality in Whitehall for weeks. All political groupings that would claim to be leading these protests, all left these youth to fend for themselves against the police. This, like much history, is unwritten, an erasure of race-class struggle. Similarly, the August 2011 Uprising is also relatively erased by the colonial left, with few examples of documenting this important history.
Massive concentrations of wealth by colonialists in the Covid period is a better indicator of what the powers that be were actually engaged in while putting up BLM flags in their corporate and state buildings on the high streets. Non-white people were politically and economically big losers in this period, which then opened up even lower depths of collapse into the toxic logics of post-Brexit Britain.
2020-2024: Brexit Culture Full Spectrum Dominance
Historic new lows of colonial collaboration and sell-out
The anomaly in this regard in this period was the Roma-led uprising in Harehills in July 2024, (discussed on these pages) which has many important aspects to it, not least the manner in which a very pro-police new Green Party leadership creates itself in these conditions and presents itself as a vanguard pro-state force in the midst of an oppressed peoples’ fight-back.
Aside from Harehills, this period sees a form of Brexit accelerationism – i.e., mass culture of violent colonial settlerism.
The street confrontations between South Asian youth in September 2022 in Leicester was like the British Raj had never ended. With anti-racist unity between Asians and Black youth absent (they type promoted and demanded by e.g. Walter Rodney, Malcolm X and Steve Biko), what spread was all the variant forms of colonial divisions between non-white people, with the Leicester situation adding to the dehumanised behaviour of the new colonial service class of South Asian migrant labour in Britain.
By Feb 5 2023 one of the most popular Black-run shows on social media (Tommy Robinson – Evil Or Patriotic?) had a representative of black radicalism laughing-along to a leading English far-right colonialist agitator using the racial slur: ‘paki’. This was a significant part of a connected formation of culture signalling – the last moments of any attempt at push-back at the racist surge. Similarly, on November 29, 2023 5 Pillar’s Dilly Hussain interviewed the leading British neo-Nazi Nick Griffin followed by more armchair conversations on Jan 19 2024 and May 14 2024 with two other significant leaders of state-backed British racist organisations.
Whatever the intention, this assists a new normalisation of British fascists and the British colonial state, leading them deep into non-white communities who are, at the same time, facing growing lynch mobs and violent attempts to expel them en masse from Britain.
Gaza 2023: The global colonial offensive
Colonial left and liberalism crashes Palestine solidarity into police and racists’ arms
The looming global background to this period of 2023-2024 was the united global colonial offensive in the wake of the Palestinian uprising of October 7th 2023. Anti-Muslim racism was and continues to be ramped-up, criminalisation and repression being the answer of the British government and media to the genocide in Gaza, which the British state is aiding and abetting. It is worth noting that despite claiming to support Palestinians the actions of some British trade unions as in the case of the RMT Union directly, have worked to support the genocide. This is another example of the appropriation and sell-out of the oppressed in Gaza for British colonial crumbs and positions.
On 11th November 2023, the national pro-Palestine march was subject to open provocations by British racists. This was after the pro-Palestine protest organisers accepted the banning of protests at the Israeli embassy in Kensington, something that had never happened before. The Palestine protest organisers not only refused to organise self-defence of the protests which were being attacked across the country, but actually collaborated openly with police on protests and to the extent of even physically assisting police to detain and arrests protestors. This collaboration between protest stewards and police was a new low for protests in Britain.
On the day itself, the Palestine protest organisers caved into the state and racists and allowed their march to be totally re-routed to allow for a British racists’ march. The Palestine protest organisers across the country allowed themselves to become a wing of racist policing for the state within the Palestine protest community, helping the racists to purge the protest community of more radical and assertive anti-colonial minded youth.
The absurdity of dysfunctions in the pro-Palestine camp is born out of the liberal/left-wing of coloniality, the entire protest community has adopted colonial lines of thinking that the British police, judicial system and general state is somehow fixable into a better functioning liberal order as long as they can ‘break Israel’s influence on Britain’. This logic is forced to produce a movement that deliberately and willingly sends thousands of people into the police, courts and prisons under draconian anti-terror legislation in the deluded hope that British colonial liberalism will save them. A sober look at the targeting of Irish and Muslim communities by the British state, including ‘anti-terror’ activities, can easily explain to anyone that there is no room for the oppressed to be saved by somehow forcing the colonialist to be nicer and more liberal.
The Palestine protests were openly harassed and attacked by the organised and state-backed racist networks. Everywhere and every day the pro-Palestinians were humiliated by violent racists and as such were easy pickings for the state and racists to use them as material in the culture war to push the British population into the period in which we are now in: mobs of violent racists wanting to rape and kill non-white people. It was the way in which the Palestine solidarity circles were manipulated and sold out that allowed the British state and racists to advance their fascism.
2024 onwards: Perpetual and Growing Brexit Britain Lynch Mobs
British racist violence erupts across the island, non-whites in total fear and division and the left runaway
The six days from 30 July 2024 saw British racist lynch mobs active across dozens of areas following the attack on girls at a dance class in Southport which left three girls dead. The perpetrator was a 17 year-old non-white, born in Britain who had been in contact with mental health teams since he was 13. The attack triggered the first national race-riots since the last one in 1919. For six days Brits roamed the streets trying to burn down and kill non-white people in migrant hotels and places of worship and attacking non-white families in their homes and cars.
The violent British surge was primed on every level and had been building to this point for years, at least since August 2011. A summer of racist violence was kicked-off in the pogrom conducted by British colonial settlers in the occupied northern six counties of Ireland. This pogrom expelled two thirds of the Roma community from Ballymena in June 2025.
Irish people have been subjected to the same treatment by British colonialism in occupied Ireland for decades. The triumph of British racism is the general erasure of this entire situation and colonised people by the colonial left and liberals in Britain. This is a major problem for the oppressed as occupied Ireland has important anti-colonial struggles but also because British colonialism uses its proxies and agents there to lead the general racist project in Britain.
The June 2025 Ballymena pogrom is significant to oppressed peoples in Britain because it was a violent attack on a non-white community that led to that community’s partial expulsion from the area.
Non-white people appear to have been set up by the British authorities to live within these communities in occupied Ireland. Being settled into these settler communities in the north of Ireland is ominous – is it a testing ground for their project of developing a similar ‘Loyalist’ project of violent British racism onto colonised people in Britain?
Summer 2025: Migrant Hotels Across the Country Targeted by British lynch Mobs for Months
Leads to Operation Raise the Colours racist movement, and more race-rioting in Southampton and Belfast
Leading British racists are directly linked to Loyalist leaders, and point to these kinds of pogroms in occupied Ireland as examples for Brits to aspire to on the mainland. The summer of 2025 starting early July saw British lynch mobs attempt to burn down and attack non-white people at many hotels housing migrants including Epping, Essex, and Canary Wharf, London. There was also an attempt to burn and kill migrants in West Drayton on Sat 30th August. None of these incidents saw any attempt at solidarity or fight-back from those targeted and those who claim to be in support of migrant rights etc. These incidents were some of the more well-known and violent, but incidents of racist harassment and provocation are happening extensively and daily across the country.
The ‘street Brit’, the British racist networks that have been increasingly taking public space, are the genesis of what has become the more openly violently racist movement. In July 2025 an organised new movement started – Operation Raise the Colours – often masking racist narratives under the cover of raising British colonial flags and painting their colours on roundabouts etc. This movement is explicitly far-right racist (they promote ‘stop the boats’ for example), and their public activities have been argued as encouraging street harassment of non-white people.
On June 2 202,6 23yr old Vickrum Digwa, a turban-wearing non-white youth in traditional clothing stabbed 18yr old Henry Nowak after a confrontation when Nowak approached Digwa after leaving a pub. Nowak lost his life in the incident. This sparked racist violence in Southampton where the incident took place. Then on the 9 June following an incident whereby a non-white male in Belfast used a knife against a white male, a race-riot erupted in Belfast where rioters violently removed all non-white families from two residential streets.
The violent results of colonial settlerism in occupied Ireland served again to be the inspiration to the aspirations of the racists on the British mainland: the growing demand for the forced removal of all non-white people.
CONCLUSION
This history of the last six years is a very important period to interrogate and reflect on in understanding how and what are the leading contributory factors that have led to the cultural landscape shifting so dramatically. The challenge of going over these histories is made all that more difficult because it is this very attempt to build cultures relatively pushing towards anti-colonial thinking and action that the British colonial state is committed to annulling and erasing.
This dramatic shift has resulted in new nationwide formal avenues of open racist violence against non-whites as a daily occurrence organised around racist street-activism. The main strategy behind this is the continuing intimidation of non-white people into inaction and deepening their internalised dehumanisation, and to give them no avenue but colonial assimilation which pushes them still further into the furnace of racist violence.
What is unique culturally and politically today is that racist violence meets no resistance but ‘the other cheek’. The culture of anti-racism has ceased to exist. Delusion is the perfect state for the oppressed – it delivers for the colonialist the superficial elements that something seems to be on offer to the colonised, only for that carrot to not actually exist and then in comes the proverbial stick.
The British culture of racist harassment – absolutely a form of violent colonial settlerism in the colonial centre – is culturally hegemonic: it is the actual dominant social culture of and the trajectory of British people and Britishness. It is strong and bold, and has control of the social media sphere as well as the streets.
What happens from here on is much of the same and more of what has taken place: the racist street violence is expanding and the state is leading this racist project and implementing more and more repression and exploitation including pushing for laws to enable the mass forced ‘remigration’ of people as was attempted in the Tories’ failed ‘Rwanda policy’. ‘Hostile environment’ is an ongoing general reign of terror of jailing, torture and expulsion of non-white people around official state definitions of ‘alien’ and ‘illegal’.
There is no sign that there is any potential for a new cultural wave of assertiveness from the oppressed. All indicators are that the culture of cowardice and delusion as well as British colonial assimilation is growing without opposition, and that the toxic and globally destructive British project continues, facilitated by the sell-out class.
*Dedan Kimaathi is an anti-colonial advocate for over thirty years based in the heart of whiteness, London. He is directly connected through family with anti-colonial resistance to British colonialism in Kenya and Undivided India, and has been committed to anti-colonial projects and networks across the three Southern continents and Ireland. His recent writings can be found at Sons of Malcolm.